By Paul G. Pierpaoli Jr.
Detailing for the 1st time the tale of America's homefront throughout the Korean battle, Truman and Korea fills an incredible hole within the old scholarship of the postwar period. Paul Pierpaoli analyzes the political, financial, social, and foreign ramifications of America's first battle of Soviet containment, by no means wasting sight of the bigger context of the chilly struggle. He makes a speciality of how and why the Truman management undertook a bloody, inconclusive conflict at the Korean peninsula whereas completely putting the country on a struggle footing. Truman and Korea illuminates the significance of the Korean clash as a serious turning element within the chilly battle through reading either the instant and the long term household and international coverage results of the clash. Pierpaoli addresses such vital themes as presidential warfare powers and debates about the protection creation Act; the interior workings of the various conflict mobilization organisations; the operations and politics of national fee and salary controls; questions touching on chilly warfare tax guidelines and monetary and financial rules; and the evolution of nationwide defense coverage. Pierpaoli exhibits that President Truman's determination to interfere within the Korean battle quick grew to become subsumed through better chilly struggle issues. through the fall of 1950 the Korean mobilization application had turn into the nation's de facto chilly battle preparedness application, which might come to span approximately 40 years and 8 presidential administrations. After 1950 the chilly struggle not just persevered to noticeably form political and ideological discourse within the usa but in addition started to reshape combination monetary coverage. by means of doing so, it altered the nation's commercial and monetary contours, giving delivery to the idea that of an institutionalized "national defense state," which in flip spawned the chilly conflict military-industrial-scientific complicated. dependent upon huge examine within the papers and reputable presidential documents of Harry S. Truman, in addition to many manuscript collections and files of wartime and govt companies, Truman and Korea bargains a brand new viewpoint at the Korean battle period and its inextricable ties to broader chilly battle determination making.
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Additional resources for Truman and Korea: The Political Culture of the Early Cold War
Lawton, July 22, 1950, Papers of Frederick J. , Meetings with the President-Agendas and Memorandums, 7/49–7/52,” HSTL. Truman was quoted in Lawton’s memo. ”32 The congressional hearings surrounding the Defense Production Act, which began in late July, predictably encompassed a whole host of opinions as to how far the legislation should actually go. Taking their lead from Senator Robert A. Taft (R-OH), conservative Republicans in Congress generally favored a voluntary approach to mobilization controls.
Nourse was also gratified with the cut, and the new defense secretary was so elated that he pledged to bring the 1951 defense budget in slightly under the $13 billion mark. 6 5. 8A, box 51, file: “1951 Budget: Basic Documents,” NA; Robert J. Donovan, Tumultuous Years: The Presidency of Harry S. Truman, 1949–1953, 53–65; Lester H. Brune, “Guns and Butter: The Pre-Korean War Dispute over Budget Allocations: Nourse’s Conservative Keynesianism Loses Favor over Keyserling’s Economic Expansion Plan,” 358.
This document established the intellectual and psychological underpinnings of American defense and national security policies for more than a generation. The basic thrust of the report was that the Soviets had developed a workable fission bomb and certainly would attain thermonuclear capability in a relatively short period of time. It followed from this premise that by 1954 the Soviets would be able to launch a devastating preemptive attack against the United States. The United States could not preclude such a strike, according to the report, without a significant increase in its military and economic capacity.