By Carole Paradis, Jean-François Prunet

This quantity is meant for phonologists, and normal and psycho-linguistic experts, as a device to guage competing theories of markedness and segmental constitution. It explores the fashionable solutions to conventional questions, to be able to making use of the consequences to historic linguistics, acquisition theories, and phonetics. Seven of the ten papers pay attention to inner facts (phonological arguments) and the opposite 3 are in response to exterior proof (normal and asphasic speech mistakes) and phonetics. this mixture of inner and exterior facts goals at settling various claims, usually unsubstantiated or perhaps contradictory, to the influence that the specified prestige of coronals is mirrored either in phonology right and in hooked up domain names

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Extra info for The Special Status of Coronals: Internal and External Evidence. Phonetics and Phonology, Volume 2

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These descriptions are based on figures from Wierzchowska that are not, in fact, alveopalatals. This error is corrected in Halle and Stevens (1989), where the alveopalatals are defined as [—anterior]. See Recasens (in press) for further data and discussion on alveopalatals. 5. Palatals In Chomsky and Halle (1968), hereafter referred to as SPE, palatals (such as [j] and [ç]) were considered to involve tongue-body articulations, and so were [-coronal], but they were later reclassified as coronals on phonological grounds (see Keating, 1988b, among others, for a summary).

Further research is needed to determine if such cases can be positively identified, and how they could be analyzed. 2. Consonant and Vowel Features It is sometimes suggested that the special status of coronals lies in their articulator (Coronal) having no vowel-feature dependents. Morris Halle and Michael Kenstowicz (personal communication, 1989) have pointed out to us that this pro­ posal can account for the cases reported in Paradis and Prunet (1989a-c, 1990), where coronals alone are shown to be transparent to vowels.

Palato-alveolars are an example of this. ) Therefore, apical or laminai is not exactly equivalent to tip up or down, unless by tip "down" we mean any position below the base of the upper teeth. In sum, then, none of these descriptive parameters—sublingual cavity, apicality, tip position—quite covaries. 4. Tongue Shape Features Ladefoged and Maddieson ( 1986) offer additional descriptive parameters for coronals, which provide phonetic detail that is redundant rather than contrastive in nature. One of these is constriction width (from side to side); a narrow con­ striction, as found for [s] sounds, involves grooving the tongue blade.

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