By Ana Ros (auth.)

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Privileged continuity over rupture. They embraced their parents’ struggles and chose to continue their fight in their own political context, understood as an extension of the social model implemented during the dictatorship. ” The emphasis on the continuity, however, displaces the encounter with the loss and the ensuing emotional struggles. S. was founded, its members decided that it was not going to be a “self-help group to lament their fate,” but a space for action, for changing how society related to the past (Bonaldi 2006, 151).

Do not engage in that discussion, perhaps because they interpret it as a rupture with or a betrayal of their parents’ legacy. At the same time, they also refrain from publicly discussing and defending their parents’ Living the Absence 29 armed struggle (Guarini and Céspedes 2002), and expelled members who in a TV show suggested the possibility of resuming it (Bonaldi 2006, 172). They avoid publicly endorsing the armed struggle, but also resist a critical analysis of it. Although they do not encourage a critical discussion of the 1970s methods, their own form of organization (horizontalismo) differs markedly from Montoneros and other hierarchically organized groups (Bonaldi 2006, 172).

They conceived of the dictatorship as an extreme manifestation of long-existing problems. Pilar Calveiro, herself a survivor, notes that the humanitarian narrative overlooked the structural character of political violence and its relation to class struggle: instead of a rupture, the coup should be understood as the outcome of a gradual substitution of politics with violence since the 1930s, and a weakening of democratic institutions since the 1955 coup (Calveiro 1998). However, the crisis of the humanitarian narrative has not erased the human rights associations’ contributions to collective memory, but allows other perspectives to complement it.

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