By Ellen Morris
В книге рассматривается развитие с течением времени политики Нового Царства путём анализа размещения египетских военных баз за рубежом - в Сирии, Палестине, Нубии, и Ливии. Анализируются археологические свидетельства и текстовые документы, имеющее отношение к городским крепостям, фортам, пограничным контрольно-пропускным пунктам и военному ведомству, чтобы осветить стратегию и те изменения, используя которые, египетские правители управляли подчиненными территориями. Книга может представлять интерес не только для египтологов, но и для специалистов по Ближнему Востоку - археологов, историков и антропологов, занятых сравнительным изучением ранних империй и военной тактикиОбразцы сканов:
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Extra info for The Architecture Of Imperialism. Military Bases and the Evolution of Foreign Policy in Egypt’s New Kingdom
Chapter four takes as its subject the greater Amarna Age, or the LB IIA period, which comprised the reigns of Amenhotep III through Horemheb (c. 1390–1295). In both frontiers, a drastic drop oﬀ in campaigns is witnessed, and the infrastructure set in place by the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty pharaohs was largely relied upon to maintain Egyptian rule in these subject territories. The Nineteenth Dynasty (c. 1295–1186), coeval with the LB IIB period, is addressed in chapter ﬁve. These pharaohs reinitiated intensive campaigning, especially in the north, and constructed fortresses for the ﬁrst time along the Libyan frontier.
IV, 385: 17). 31 While these gifts in no way indicate an exertion of political control over the donor countries, they do demonstrate the recognition of Egypt as a force with which to be reckoned. Similarly, the gifts suggest that the wide web of royal trade networks, evidenced so vividly in the Amarna letters, was already well established in the early Eighteenth Dynasty. After Thutmose II’s death, his wife Hatshepsut acted as a ward for Thutmose III and eventually elevated herself to the status of coregent.
To complicate matters, however, it is probable that some of the Egyptian-style objects in Canaan were manufactured by Egyptians or by Canaanites for a Canaanite market. D. 29 I. 30 Clearly, then, the examination of one object, whether Egyptian or only Egyptian in style, is able to reveal very little in isolation. An investigation into the greater contexts of architectural and artifact assemblages, however, allows patterns to be recognized and reasonable hypotheses to be formulated. While elite emulation may indeed account for the occasional appearance of Egyptian or Egyptian-style prestige objects on Canaanite soil, it is seldom the only explanation for their presence.