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Additional info for Strength Relations in Phonology
Stevens 1971 A note on laryngeal features. MIT Quarterly Progress Report 101: 198–212. , and Anne Cutler 1988 Psycholinguistic factors in morphological asymmetry. In Explaining Language Universals, John A. ), 280–317. Oxford: Blackwell. Honeybone, Patrick 2005 Diachronic evidence in segmental phonology: the case of obstruent laryngeal specifications. In The Internal Organization of Phonological Segments, Marc van Oostendorp and Jeroen M. ), 319–354. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Hulst, Harry G.
In Nasals, Nasalization and the Velum, Marie K. Huffman and Rena A. ), 401– 470. New York: Academic Press. 1997 Phonetics in phonology: the case of laryngeal neutralization. Ms, University of California, Los Angeles. 2001 The phonology of perceptibility effects: the P-map and its consequences for constraint organization. Ms, University of California, Los Angeles. Stevens, Kenneth N. 2002 Toward a model of lexical access based on acoustic landmarks and distinctive features. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 111: 1872–1891.
Klipp und klar hat er hat Ernst ein Schluck auf kli[a] und klar ha[Ø] er ha[Ø] Érnst ein Schlu[f] áuf ‘clearly’ ‘he has’ ‘Ernst has’ ‘a toast to’ gab ihm fand er ga[a] ihm fan[d] er ‘gave him’ ‘he found’ Unlike the word-internal context, the word-final manifestation of voicing/tapping occurs regardless of whether the following vowel is unstressed (as in (9ai)) or stressed (as in (9aii)). This is further confirmation that the process is sensitive to foot structure, a point we’ll return to immediately below.