By Kim England, Kevin Ward

The e-book is an research of cultural, social in addition to political monetary expressions of neoliberalization and argues for an appreciation of the relational geographies of neoliberalization.In-depth empirical learn spanning quite a few international regionsA diversity of subject matters together with homelessness, comparative politics, financial improvement and social policyReviews how neoliberalism is enacted which will spotlight the complexity and contingency of this financial modelEngages in debates inside anthropology, gender stories, geography, wellbeing and fitness reviews, foreign reports, making plans, political technology and sociology

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Extra resources for Neoliberali States, Networks, Peoples (Antipode Book Series)

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Both the economy and the state are involved in the construction of autonomous, responsibilized ‘‘neo-liberal subjects’’ (Rose, 1996). Through ‘‘privatization and personalization, neoliberal govern(mentality) aims at transforming recipients of welfare and social insurance into entrepreneurial subjects, who may be motivated to become responsible for themselves. Such a project of transformation may be based either on a social work model of helping, training, and empowering, or on a police model of governing every aspect of life’’ (Ren 2005: np).

As we have already explained, we emphasize three themes that appear in the individual contributions – states, networks, and peoples. Often the chapters deal with one or more of these themes in the context of their specific geographical or thematic focus. States Neoliberalization is, if nothing else, a process of state restructuring. Empirical evidence from individual nations, as well as a small but growing number of comparative analyses, speaks to the possibilities of detecting similarities in how different nation-states have been qualitatively reorganized – inside and out – in recent years (O’Neill 1997; Peck 2001a; Jessop 2002a; Brenner, Jessop, Jones, and MacLeod 2003).

While it is possible to identify a range of different bodies involved in neoliberalization, some ‘‘matter’’ more than others, because they have greater ‘‘wiggle room’’ due to a range of macro and structural factors, and have more resources – cultural, economic, social, etc. – on which to draw. Bourdieu (1998: 2) argues: The . . [neo-liberal] programme draws its social power from the political and economic power of those whose interests it expresses: stockholders, financial operators, industrialists, conservative or social democratic politicians.

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