By Melvin Gonzalez-Rivera, Sandro Sessarego
This booklet is a compilation of articles on varied points of Spanish grammar within the parts of present theoretical syntax and semantics. the problem brings jointly students engaged on a few formal facets of Spanish predicative complementation (e.g., dequeismo), neuter demonstrative pronouns, the topic of Psych verbs, the character of non-verbal predication, and the inner constitution of the Determiner word (DP), cf. gender version, between different topices. Linguists and philologists with pursuits in Spanish and/or in different Romance languages are the main focus viewers. The booklet will allure additionally to researchers and scholars focusing on generative grammar, semantics and within the syntax/semantics interface. it's going to even be of curiosity to ancient linguists and dialectologists addressing theoretical/formal matters (cf. Afro-Bolivian Spanish). The learn during this publication issues to a cohesiveness in Spanish linguistics that lies within the integration of updated empirically-based linguistic study with present theoretical assumptions at the nature of syntax and semantics.
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Extra resources for Current Formal Aspects of Spanish Syntax and Semantics
D. SG)11 The referential system, on the other hand, emphasizes different morphosyntactic features of clitics and their co-referential DPs. As can be seen in (11), the dative clitic “le” and the accusative feminine clitic “la” refer to individualized or limited entities in both DO and IO DPs; while the accusative masculine clitic “lo” refers to unlimited or continuous entities in DO and IO DPs, as in (12) from Klein-Andreu (1981: 290). Therefore, a theory that postulates clitics as case markers cannot account for a vast amount of clitic phenomena in different Spanish varieties.
Pensé de que se hablaba/ hablara mal. thought-I DE that SE spoke-Ind/spoke-I-Subj. bad (Dequeísta Spanish) Thus, Mood selection exhibits different patterns for dequeísta speakers, in that the Subjunctive can be attested in contexts where the Indicative is selected, as shown in (37a, b). Negation reverses mood selection and, as expected, (37c) is the mirror image of (37a) in standard Spanish. Nevertheless, for dequeísta speakers negation does not affect mood selection decisively, so (37b) and (37d) are identical.
For example, as the beginning of a discourse where nothing has been presupposed, (55b) would be appropriate but (55c) would not. (55) a. Yo también pienso lo de que… ‘I also think that (DE QUE) …’ b. Ayer estaba en el trabajo, llegó el jefe y nos dijo de que había que entregarle el informe ya. ‘I was yesterday at work, the boss came in, and he told us that (DE QUE) we had to give him the report at that very moment’. c. Ayer estaba en el trabajo, llegó el jefe y nos dijo eso/lo de que había que entregarle el informe ya.